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Broken up into three parts, this book examines political power, state formation, and economic development with examples from Africa, Russia, and Chile. It also looks at the status of opposition politics in America. It is suitable for graduate students and researchers in the field of political science and social theory

South Korea's and Taiwan's economic successes and Argentina's and Mexico's relative 'failures' are compared through examination of their rural middle classes and disciplinary capacities. Can disciplining continue in a context where globalization squeezes middle classes and frees capitalists from state and social contracts?

1. Laying the Foundations -- 2. The Urban Terrain of Postrevolutionary State Building, 1910-1929 -- 3. Mexico City Governance and the Move Toward Corporatism, 1929-1943 -- 4. Balancing Party Sectors Through Urban Administration, 1944-1958 -- 5. The PRI at the Crossroads: Urban Conflict Splits the Party, 1958-1966 -- 6. Rethinking Mexico City's Role in National Development, 1966-1973 -- 7. From Urban to National Fiscal Crisis, 1973-1982 -- 8. Urban Democratic Reform as Challenge to Corporatist Politics, 1982-1988 -- 9. Recasting the Dynamics of Urban and Political Change in Mexico

This essay reviews the following works:In Harm's Way: the Dynamics of Urban Violence. By Javier Auyero and María Fernanda Berti. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 239. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780691164779.Violence at the Urban Margins. Edited by Javier Auyero, Philippe Bourgois, and Nancy Scheper-Hughes. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 323. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780190221454.Bruno: Conversations with a Brazilian Drug Dealer. By Robert Gay. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 219. $23.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822358497.The Spectacular Favela: Violence in Modern Brazil. By Erika Robb Larkins. Oakland: University of California Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 231. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9780520282773.Cities, Business, and the Politics of Urban Violence in Latin America. By Eduardo Moncada. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 219. $65.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780804794176.Living with Insecurity in a Brazilian Favela: Urban Violence and Daily Life. By R. Ben Penglase. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2014. Pp. ix + 197. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780813565439.

Rising criminality and violence in key neighborhoods surrounding Mexico City's historic center have limited easy access to downtown public spaces that used to host much of the city's social, commercial, and political life. In 2002 a group of powerful local businessmen hired the international security consultant Rudolph Giuliani to design security measures that might remedy the city's crime problems. The Giuliani plan not only called for restrictions on free movement and intense scrutiny of public behavior associated with the strategy of "zero tolerance" but also suggested the criminalization of certain behaviors and made recommendations for police reform that called into question the distinction between public and private police. One of the principal consequences of its implementation was to circumscribe public access to downtown space. Stated simply, the widening of downtown's public sphere brought a narrowing of access to it along class lines. An examination of the context in which the plan was pursued traces the Giuliani invitation to the dynamics of downtown real estate development and land-use collusion between elected officials and private developers in the name of security policy. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

Rising criminality and violence in key neighborhoods surrounding Mexico City's historic center have limited easy access to downtown public spaces that used to host much of the city's social, commercial, and political life. In 2002 a group of powerful local businessmen hired the international security consultant Rudolph Giuliani to design security measures that might remedy the city's crime problems. The Giuliani plan not only called for restrictions on free movement and intense scrutiny of public behavior associated with the strategy of "zero tolerance" but also suggested the criminalization of certain behaviors and made recommendations for police reform that called into question the distinction between public and private police. One of the principal consequences of its implementation was to circumscribe public access to downtown space. Stated simply, the widening of downtown's public sphere brought a narrowing of access to it along class lines. An examination of the context in which the plan was pursued traces the Giuliani invitation to the dynamics of downtown real estate development and land-use collusion between elected officials and private developers in the name of security policy.El alza del crimen y la violencia en barrios claves rodeando el centro histórico de la Ciudad de México han limitado el acceso a los espacios públicos céntricos que antes recibían una gran parte de la vida social, comercial y política de la ciudad. En el 2002, un grupo de poderosos empresarios locales contrataron al asesor de seguridad internacional, Rudolph Giuliani para que volvieran a diseñarse medidas de seguridad que pudieran remediar los problemas del crimen de la ciudad. El plan Giuliani no solo recomendaba la restricción de la movilidad libre y escrutinio intenso del comportamiento público asociado con la "cero tolerancia" sino que también la criminalización de ciertos comportamientos y en donde se hicieron recomendaciones de reforma policiaca que cuestionan la distinción entre la policía pública y la particular. Una de las consecuencias principales de su implementación fue la forma en que se circunscriba el acceso público al espacio céntrico. Puesto simplemente, el anchar de la esfera pública del centro urbano conllevo al estrechar del acceso al mismo según líneas de clase. Un examen del contexto en el cual se prosigue en el plan traza la invitación que se le hizo a Giuliani con la dinámica del desarrollo urbano en bienes raíces y la colusión en uso de la tierra entre oficiales electos y empresarios urbanizadores en nombre de la seguridad.